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November 02, 2013 12:00 AM

When keeping what you have means ignoring those who don't

Merrill Goozner
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    Goozner

    The debate in Washington has turned from the glitches in the new insurance exchanges to the millions of people who are losing what they have. It has created an educable moment for teaching the public about the first principles behind the insurance reforms in the Affordable Care Act.

    At their heart, those principles embody a moral question—are you your brother's keeper?

    At its most basic level, insurance spreads risk. In auto insurance, for instance, everyone pays small amounts of money into a pool, and the few who have accidents draw larger amounts of money out of the pool. The rates are adjusted for age, driving record and prior experience in causing accidents. Most people do not use their auto insurance in any given year.

    In healthcare, the pooling principle is the same. People who are healthy—most of us—pay something so the people who are really sick can receive the care they need. We adjust risk based on age and unhealthy behaviors.

    The big difference between health and auto insurance is that almost everyone uses some healthcare over the course of a year, even though 15% of people account for 80% of costs. They're the ones who ultimately determine the size of the pool required to pay for healthcare.

    The question for health insurers, then, is how to determine who pays how much into the pool. That's a tough question to answer because overall risk is not pooled in the fragmented American health insurance system.

    Older adults and the poor—groups that require the most healthcare—are covered by taxpayer-financed Medicare and Medicaid. Most seniors and all of the poor could never afford their healthcare bills on their own.

    About 150 million working-age Americans and their dependents get health insurance through their employers in a highly inefficient market when it comes to pooling risk. Google or Apple, highly profitable companies with younger workforces, pay significantly less per employee than General Motors or GE, which are less profitable and have older, sicker employees.

    Finally, there's the individual market—the subject du jour in Washington. Estimates vary, but anywhere from 10 million to 20 million people (including dependents) buy individual plans either because they are self-employed or in jobs without coverage or they are between jobs or out of the workforce. About 50 million people are not covered at all.

    Before reform and the exchanges came along, insurers offered many different plans for this population. They ranged from the very cheap, which did not cover serious illnesses (and were therefore attractive to healthier individuals), to more-comprehensive plans, which were generally far more expensive than similar coverage in an employer-based group.

    There was tremendous churn in these individual plans even before reform came along, about 35% turnover each year, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation. Insurers went to great lengths to make sure only healthier people enrolled.

    Moreover, the reform law set basic requirements for insurance—common risks that needed to be pooled if the overall rates on the exchanges were going to be affordable. That's why insurers offering individual low-cost plans that provided skimpy benefits sent letters to people canceling those policies. Their plans no longer met the actuarial standards in the law.

    Those are the first principles that animated the law. Everyone in a pool must pay for all the expected costs of everyone else in the pool. And the total costs must include a reasonable standard for what is covered or the plans would never be affordable to people who need comprehensive coverage—such as pregnant women or those with pre-existing conditions—who will be seeing reductions in their premiums.

    Some elected representatives are in high dudgeon because people can no longer choose to purchase these low-cost plans in the exchanges. What they are really saying is that the nation shouldn't pool risk in the individual market to provide affordable coverage, and we should let some people opt out of our mutual responsibilities to those who need care.

    Follow Merrill Goozner on Twitter: @MHgoozner

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